Political complexion of J&K all set to change

Arun Joshi The political complexion of the Union Territory of J&K is all set to change in an unprecedented manner; an alliance of the mainstream political groups has decided to take part in the District Development Council polls   in a major U-Turn from its earlier decision to stay away from all political activities until the special status and statehood of the erstwhile state were restored. It was a tough decision for the conglomerate that named itself, “People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration. It has a split anatomy- Gupkar Declaration was given a name to the charter of demands on August 4, 2019, in which the Kashmir-centric parties committed themselves to defend the special status of Jammu and Kashmir at all costs. The Declaration   was named after Gupkar because all its signatories had met at   veteran Kashmiri leader and five-time chief minister of J&K Farooq Abdullah’s residence at Gupkar Road. The Declaration was reiterated on August 22, 2020, more than a year after the abrogation of Article 370 that granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019. There was such a big gap between the defence of the special status to fight for it because all its original signatories were detained on the intervening night of August 4-5 last year in an unprecedented crackdown in the Valley where all communication channels were snapped. Even the landlines went dead. When Gupkar Declaration was reinvented on August 22 , and the  high-sounding goals that it listed for itself, it was presumed that all its signatory parties would single-mindedly work for the restoration of the special status. There was a lot of confusion as to how would they do it, but it was believed that this time around they will stick to their struggle for achieving their goal. It was understood that these groups would unitedly spawn the pro-Article 370 space in the Valley, which would mean two things as a natural corollary – one building up a resistance to the abrogation of the special status of J&K, and at the same time keeping itself aloof from anything that Delhi could claim as acceptance of its decisions taken on August 5 last year. Farooq Abdullah spoke in no uncertain terms when he declared, “we want all our snatched rights back”. PDP president Mehbooba Mufti went a step further when she stated: “unless the flag (of the erstwhile state of J&K) is restored, I will not pick up any other flag (national tricolour)”. J&K was the only state in the county until August 5, having its own flag, constitution and a legislature that could facilitate or stall the entry of Central laws to the state. As the impression grew that the Alliance leadership was becoming serious about its word, the State Election Commission announced District Development Council polls on November 4. The people believed that the Alliance would not take part in these polls, for any such participation would dilute its commitment to the larger goal on which it had promised to deliver, and also because the District Councils were not the political platform from where they could air their political grievances. But the Alliance had its own compulsions. Despite the fact that the DDCs were development oriented, the polls were to be held on the party-basis, making the polls as a contest for the political supremacy. It was becoming clear that the BJP having well-oiled machinery and the support of the Centre would have a cake walk in Jammu region’s 10 districts, and in the Valley, the boycott by the Kashmir-centric parties would give an advantage that it was seeking. And fielding of proxy candidates would not have helped the matters. It was a tough situation, because if the BJP were to expand its footprints in the Valley, the very purpose of the struggle for restoration of the special status would have been decimated. BJP is the torch bearer of the advantages of the abolition of the special status; greater integration of J&K into the Indian nation for all the discriminatory barriers had gone. The new land laws have given right to all citizens of the country to own land and immovable property in J&K without having to produce any document. So, the Alliance announced on November 7 its unanimous decision to “fight elections unitedly. Despite the abruptness of the DDC elections in terms of timing it is important that this sacred space in democracy is not allowed to be invaded and marauded by divisive forces.” Now the battle lines are clear – the fight is going to be between the right wing Indian nationalistic forces versus Kashmiri nationalism. This will change all the dimensions in the Valley, where the fear of the BJP rampaging the land and Kashmiri values would be fought against the forces of nationalism of the mainland of the country. About the Author: {"align":"right","id":78114,"width":120,"height":166,"className":"is-style-default"} Arun Joshi Arun Joshi is a senior journalist based in J&K. He has worked with Hindustan Times, Times of India, Indian Express and The Tribune. He has authored “ Eyewitness Kashmir: Teetering on Nuclear War” and three other books.